It would be no exaggeration to say that the state’s universities have become orphaned. Of the 13 universities, 12 are without permanent vice-chancellors. Except for the Health Sciences University, all others are under temporary leadership due to ongoing power tussles and legal disputes between the state government and the governor. This situation amounts to a state of emergency unseen in any other part of the country. Just days ago, when a petition related to the appointment of the Kerala University Vice-Chancellor came before the High Court, the court expressed deep dissatisfaction over the administrative paralysis in universities. Although the petition challenging the VC appointment was dismissed, the court’s observations remain relevant. The bench, headed by Chief Justice Nitin Jamdar, voiced serious concern over the complexities created by this power struggle. It is evident to anyone that the root cause of this uncertainty is the central government’s encroachment—through the governors—into the academic and administrative affairs of universities under the state government’s purview.
Governors are generally referred to as the constitutional heads of the state. Yet, even amid political differences, the convention has been for them to respect and uphold the policies and programmes of the respective state governments. However, the Modi administration has increasingly used Raj Bhavans as instruments to control ‘opposition-ruled states’ like Kerala, which take a stand against the BJP and the central government. In Kerala, Arif Mohammad Khan; in Tamil Nadu, R.N. Ravi; and in West Bengal, C.V. Ananda Bose — all have initiated what can be termed parallel governments, repeatedly disrupting and destabilising the administrative processes of their respective states. Many of these issues have even reached the courts. At one point, the Supreme Court issued a sharp criticism of this ‘Raj Bhavan overreach’. In Kerala, the governor — who also serves as the chancellor of universities — tried his best to iinstall exponents of the parent ideology at the helm of university administration. When the state government resisted, the governor–government conflict intensified.
No one would have forgotten the widespread protests that erupted in December 2023 when the governor attempted to induct Sangh Parivar propagandists into the Senate of Kerala and Calicut universities. A massive student uprising unfolded across the state in protest. The governor, reacting in an authoritarian manner, appeared to retaliate by escalating his actions. He sent letters to the registrars of eight universities, instructing them to immediately nominate university representatives to the search committees for appointing new vice-chancellors — thereby intensifying the standoff. At that time, new VCs were due to be appointed at Kerala, MG, CUSAT, Kannur, Agricultural, Fisheries, Malayalam, and APJ Abdul Kalam Technological Universities. Notably, this directive came after the governor had refused to sign the University Amendment Bill — which aimed to curb the governor's interference in VC appointments — and instead forwarded it to the President. A related case was also pending in the High Court. The governor’s move, made before the court’s verdict, clearly indicated an attempt to appoint VCs unilaterally. That became partially successful too. The state government’s resistance ensured that all his appointments were limited to ‘in-charge’ roles. In essence, the current crisis engulfing Kerala’s universities is the unfortunate outcome of Arif Mohammad Khan’s efforts to implement the Centre’s ideological agenda.
The ‘Chancellor Raj’ initiated by Arif Mohammad Khan is now being implemented with equal fervour by his successor, Rajendra Arlekar. While Khan interfered in the functioning of the state government, Arlekar appears to be draping the Raj Bhavan entirely in saffron — as recent events make clear. One such example is the controversy surrounding the saffron-clad ‘Bharat Mata’ image introduced during an Environment Day event. When this image was brought into the Kerala University Senate Hall, it escalated the Governor–government standoff to new heights. The latest development in this saga is the suspension of the university’s registrar — who had taken a legal stand against the image — by the acting vice-chancellor. Given that only the Syndicate has the authority to take disciplinary action against officials above the rank of Deputy Registrar, it is evident that the acting VC acted on behalf of the Governor. When this acting VC left for a week-long foreign trip, the governor reinstated the very person the state government had removed — albeit only for four days. This makes it clear that Arlekar is playing a more aggressive game than his predecessor, Arif Khan. The real casualty in this power struggle is Kerala’s higher education sector. As symbols and practices rooted in Hindutva nationalism are systematically introduced into classrooms, a parallel firestorm continues to rage. This move must be resisted at any cost.